The French Third Republic fell before the ink of the August 8th (1911) Armistice with the Germans was dry. The revolution was initially sparked by the General Confederation of Labour (French: Confédération générale du travail, CGT), who declared a General Strike in the summer of 1911; hot on the heels was a second outbreak of mutiny in the French Army. The mutineers were protesting the Conservative call for a last-ditch counter-offensive following a string of severe French defeats during the German offensives of 1911.
The CGT wanted to paralyse the nation, force the ruling Conservatives to step down and hand over power to the CGT's executive arm; the Committee of Public Safety (French: Comité de Salut Public, CSP).
They were charged with the task of leading first the General Strike and then the establishment of a new government and constitution which would allow for a complete reconstruction of the French nation. They also had as their immediate aim to end "the abominable war" as soon as possible.
The Second French Revolution
With the outstanding successes of the Kaiserschlacht Offensives, the General Strike turned violent, as frustrated Unionists became desperate to end the war before the Germans were in a position to occupy Paris and perhaps the whole country. Skirmishes with police turned into riots across much of the country, and the government was forced to resign, marking the beginning of a transitory period between the Third Republic to the Fourth.
The signing of the Treaty of Munich proved to be the nail in the coffin for the conservatives. With the signing of the treaty the conservatives lost most of their support, with the majority either turning to the Liberals or the CGT. Most of those still in position, including the Commander-in-Chief of Ferdinand Foch and General Philippe Pétain were force to resign. Their resignation turned the Army to the left. It was then that the Fourth Republic began to call itself as the Socialist Republic of France.
This period was characterized by a dualistic power structure much like that of Russian after the 1911 revolutions, power was shared on the one hand a by the Provisional Government of Liberals and Socialists, and on the other the CGT, which claimed a "legitimate right to power" via their Trade Union structure and a new system of local councils.
This uncertain situation continued through the summer of 1912 until things came to a head in the early autumn when the Provisional Government attempted to disarm and demobilize the French Army following the conclusion of the Treaty with the Alliance Powers. Fearing the Government was attempting to stifle the revolution (the Army was largely supportive of the Left) the Socialist Party began a boycott of the Parliament, and declared itself an ally of the CGT, followed thereafter by a number of the more radical Liberals.
Following this decision the Bolshevik Jacobins declared the Provisional Government an enemy of the Proletariat, encouraging Party members to begin a policy of agitation in favor of a "great purge of France, to forever destroy her class enemies". Inspired by Lenin and his revolutionaries and the outbreak of the Russian Civil War between the Reds and the Whites, gangs of working men and army units sympathetic to the Jacobin cause began to attack and loot the property of the aristocracy and upper middle classes - seizing land by force and holding the Establishment to account in revolutionary "courts".
Although they wanted to put a stop to this policy (they had hoped to negotiate with the Provisional Government), the CGT was unable to prevent the Jacobins from carrying out their attacks, or prevent an escalation of the crisis, as the Provisional Government gathered together the "forces of reaction" to respond with force and attempt a counter-revolution.
Consolidation of the regime
Not wanting to see the revolution die, and simultaneously desiring to limit the influence of the Jacobins, the CGT was left with no choice but to declare war on "the Provisional Government and the forces of Counter-Revolution", and attempt to seize control of the entire country.
Taking full control of Paris, they formally concluded peace with Germany in the winter of 1914, accepting the annexation of the rest of Lorraine, the German annexation of several of the Colonies, and agreeing to pay a heavy burden of reparations. This was the same conditions signed by the previous government in the Treaty of Munich.
The CGT then began to draft a new constitutional setup together with the Socialists, Jacobins, Anarchists and radical Liberals. Meanwhile they had to fight the self-styled "Establishment" and "drive them into the sea", and try and prevent and limit the Jacobins' "hunt for the Bourgeoisie".
Though they proved unable to counter the Jacobins' image as integral members of the revolution, they were able to largely limit their participation in arranging the constitutional setup of the new state. Through ensuring that leading Jacobins were often engaged in the conduct of the war, the CGT were able to cultivate and protect their own image as the Revolutions' legitimate political leaders.
Socialist Republic of France
After the coalition government took power they could finally concentrate on rebuilding France. At first France tried to recover from the war by way of social spending. France began creating infrastructure projects, modernization of power plants and gas works. These were all used to battle the increasing unemployment rate. Social spending was rising at an unbelievable rate. In 1913 the government was spending approximately 20.5 per resident; by 1916 it had risen to almost 55 Francs per resident. The elevating amounts of money which were used for social spending combined with plummeting revenues caused continuing deficits. Further adding to France's economic problems, the revenue from income tax began to fall due to the Jacobins' "Bourgeoisie hunt" had caused most of the French business elite to flee Metropolitan France. Even with all of France's economic shortcomings, the financial situation could have still been salvageable if it wasn't for the heavy reparations it had to pay. Eventually the entire financial system collapsed in late 1916. The government declared a moratorium on all its reparations until its finances were sound once more.
The German Empire emboldened by its recent absorption of Austria in the previous year had its troops (the Eighth and Tenth Armies) cross the Franco-German border to occupy northern France until the time France would pay back on its loans. The occupation ended when the United States intervened with a suggested compromise.
The French reparation payments were recalculated and restructured. The reparations were reduced by around 20% of their original amount, while the term for the payment was to be paid in 70 years instead of 50. The first five years (until 1922) was to be paid via loans from the United States. The Germans reluctantly agreed, as they saw the alternative, which was occupation, more expensive and the Germans themselves didn't want to enter into another war so soon.
By the end of 1917 things looked bleak for the French economy.
United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland
During the Great War, Britain was forced to divide its army between India, South East Asia, The Middle East and Northwestern Europe. The Royal Navy battled its Chinese and German foes from the northern Atlantic through South America to the Pacific. Britain was the last of the Entente powers to sue for peace in 1912 (barring an untouched United States of America).
The peace terms imposed upon Britain were relatively light compared to her French and Russian Allies; London was forced to cede to British South East Asia, pieces of India and Africa. However, the British Empire was for all intents and purposes relatively intact.
In 1912, right after the war, the British Parliament debated the long-delayed issue of Irish "Home Rule" - i.e., a considerable amount of self-government while remaining under the British Crown. This move encountered tremendous opposition from the Protestant community concentrated in the historic Irish province of Ulster in the island's north-east corner - different from the Irish Catholics not only in religion but also in ethnic origin, being mainly descended from Scottish and English settlers implanted in Ireland since the 17th Century. These Ulstermen held mass rallies in stern opposition to Home Rule, organized a militia, openly subverted units of the regular British Army and explicitly threatened civil war. This situation tempted radical Irish nationalists - disappointed and disillusioned by the suspension of Home Rule to embark on the Easter Rising proclaiming a completely independent Irish Republic.
As a result of the Great War Britain's military resources were already drained, but Britain had also lost a lot of colonies in Asia and Africa they wanted to keep the territory they still had left, more so Ireland which was an integral part of the British Isles. London only sent a relatively small army contingent at first; they relied on the Ulstermen militias to bolster their numbers. The British contingents that were sent were those evacuated from France. This, however, created unexpected complications. The soldiers arriving in Ireland were the veterans of long and harsh trench warfare - however, in trench warfare one nearly always knows where the enemy is, and the British troops found it difficult to adjust to guerrilla war where an attack could come at any time and place - even when soldiers on leave stroll down the street of an English-speaking town.
The troops, already bitter about the fiasco in France, reacted very furiously to the killing of comrades by "the treacherous Irish" and often resorting to indiscriminate retaliation, sometimes amounting to full-fledged massacres. The Ulstermen militias did not make things better; they were even more heavy-handed than their army counterparts. When news of the brutality spread to the rest of the British Isles. London sent more troops and rotated the units that were currently there to cool off heads. This worked to some degree and somewhat reduced the tension on both sides until the Christmas Rally in Dublin.
A crowed of fifty thousand marched the streets of Dublin during Christmas day 1913 to protest against the brutality of the Army crackdown. Some wanted independence, some wanted autonomy, all wanted the end to the violence. What was originally a peaceful rally turned into a riot then army units were sent to disperse the rally. Seven hundred people were killed in the affair and thousands more wounded.
The General Strike
The origins of the General Strike of February 24 1914 can be traced to rallies condemning the Christmas Day Massacre in Dublin, but soon other interest groups quickly joined as well. The largest of which were the Unions who then began to take over the rally.
Trade Unions Congress (TUC) voted in favor of industrial action on 28 February 1914 and joined the rally already taking place in Trafalgar Square. The main cause for them was the tariffs introduced by the Conservative-National coalition government led by Prime Minister Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman and the worsening economic situation within the British Isles. The decision by the TUC to take industrial action was spurred on by a rousing speech from A.J. Cook, the General Secretary of the Miner's Federation of Great Britain, a man previously denounced by the TUC as a "raving Communist". The Conservative, National, and Liberal parties were quick to denounce the strikes as counterproductive, claiming the ringleaders were simply taking advantage of a national crisis to further their own careers. Home Secretary Winston Churchill was quick to make the decision to partially mobilize the Armed Forces to continue production and to attempt to keep the peace during the strike.
The Labour Party under Ramsay MacDonald remained uncharacteristically silent on the matter, a dividing issue for the party. While those on the left of the party including the leadership of the Independent Labour Party were ready to announce their support for the strikers and their cause, MacDonald and his cabinet remained cautious, the leader of the opposition feared that endorsing the strike would be seen as endorsing revolutionary socialism and the violence associated with the Red Clydeside period, something the Conservatives would be quick to capitalise on, while denouncing the strike would alienate much of the Labour Party's voting base. In the end, the party opted for a vague statement hoping that a compromise could be made between the government and the strikers.
Following the declaration of the General Strike, government forces were deployed to keep the peace, and to undertake any jobs seen to be of national importance. The deployment to Trafalgar Square was met with open hostility from the striking miners and those who demonstrated against the brutality in Ireland, a standoff developed between the protesters and the government forces.
Government forces, after several attempted assaults by the protesters. Fired warning shots which some of the protesters misinterpreted as attempts to kill. What happened next was a repeat of what transpired in Dublin in the previous year. Violence soon broke out between the two groups following the initial exchange, with impassioned and enraged strikers charging government lines.
News quickly spread across the British Isles, with socialist papers picking up on rumors that the government ordered the forces present in Trafalgar Square to open fire on the strikers, the news was to spread like wildfire throughout working-class communities, and as a result sporadic violence began to break out in other high-tension locations across the country, with the violence spreading further as more news of conflict across the country began to spread.
On the March 15th, Scottish Socialist John Maclean addressed a massive crowd in Glasgow's George Square, beginning with a denouncement of the Dublin and Trafalgar Square massacres, before escalating into an angry tirade against the crimes of the British government against the working class, past and present, and climaxing in a call for outright revolution. Socialist papers carried it to the rest of the British Isles the next day, and the revolutionary spirit spread into the army, who began to stand down and often join the forces of the TUC. The Labour Party's left-wing finally spoke out in favor of the revolution on the 18th, calling for the immediate resignation of the Campbell-Bannerman cabinet before being ejected from the House of Commons. Hearing this several divisions of the army began to munity.
Entire cities began to fall to the control of the General Strike. When the news broke on April that London had been effectively encircled by revolutionary militia and mutinying soldiers, Home Secretary Winston Churchill along with Prime Minister Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman began to gather their forces to counter the revolutionaries. They arranged a meeting with all the loyalist generals and admirals in Churchill's flat but one of the generals, William Wedgwood Benn, who was thought to be a loyalist by Churchill, had already considered to take the side of the revolutionary. When he received the letter he, informed the revolutionary leadership of the plot by Churchill and moved his troops to place Churchill along with Prime Minister Campbell-Bannerman in "protective custody." The revolutionaries then took control of the House of Commons and forced unsympathetic MPs to resign.
On the 12th of June, 1914, the remaining Members of Parliament in the country gathered in Westminster and declared former Chancellor of the Exchequer Stanley Baldwin became the de facto Prime Minister. Two days later, Baldwin along with Parliament a snap election to be held in two months.
The election campaigned was filled with irregularities and violence made by the TUC and the Labour party (which was now controlled by its radical left-wing). Resulting in a large win by left leaning parties. After the elections Labour along with other socialist parties formed a coalition and elected Philip Snowden as Prime Minister.
On the 1st of September, the new Prime Minister and Parliament passed the Consolidation of Resources Act as their first action. This made the following drastic changes:
houses of Parliament Dissolved
political authority invested in the house of Congress (single house)
British adults were required to be a member of a union
title of the royal family has been removed, thus becoming a republic
of the Dominions and the Colonies
were given representation in the British Parliament
new government was named "The Union of British Worker's Republics"
Union of British Worker's Republics
Under the new government each constituent Worker's Republic had almost free reign in the governance of its own domestic affairs save for the few powers specifically given to the Union Congress in London. The Union Congress in London was composed of representatives from all constituent Workers' Republics within the Union and is in charge of the governance of common affairs of the Union like foreign relations and defense. Although the Irish, Scottish, Welsh and English Worker's Republics combined had almost two thirds of the MP's in the Union Congress, this still meant that the former dominions still had more say in how the country was run than before.
Fortunately for the Royal Family, they had been "visiting" the United States since the beginning of the crisis. Before the new government could file for extradition of the Royal family in the United States they quickly smuggled out of the country and into the Netherlands. The Dutch government subsequently refused to extradite them back to the British Isles despite the repeated demands by the new British government. The Royal Family would stay in the Netherlands until the restoration of the monarchy in the 1920's.
When asked about his comments were on the exile of the British Royal family in the Netherlands, the German Kaiser Wilhelm II said "I could not imagine myself being exiled to the Netherlands, I rather die fighting in Berlin than cower in a foreign country."
Outside Great Britain, the reaction to the rest of the Empire, now Union was varied.
In Canada, Australia and New Zealand (now part of Australasia along with Australia) the Consolidation of Resources Act was met with celebration, more autonomy in domestic affairs was always welcome.
In Ireland, those that wanted autonomy went back home, while those who wanted independence instead of autonomy continued their struggle. So the army had to be sent to Ireland to pacify the island, although large scale armed resistance disappeared rather quickly, small scale armed resistance continued until the early 1920's.
South Africa declared solidarity with the exiled Royal Family, cut their ties with London. Whether it was for their own benefit rather than support of the Royal Family is a hotly contested issue but this declaration was cut short by timely intervention of the Royal Navy and Royal Marines, now named Union Navy and Union Marines.
In the British Raj, it was a bit more chaotic. Upon hearing about the turmoil in the British Isles; Kutch, Hyderabad, Sindh, Makran, Travancore, Kalat, and other regions thought it was the best time to break free from British rule and declared their independence. While the Raj and the majority of the Princely states declared their support for the new government in London. By the time the news of the Consolidation of Resources Act reached the subcontinent, Raj troops were already fighting the rebelling provinces. Kutch was the first to fall to Raj troops, this was even before reinforcements from Australia and the British Isles had arrived. When they did arrive, the rebel provinces began suffering defeat after defeat from Raj troops and were quickly being pushed back. Hyderabad fell by mid-1915 and only Makran and Kalat were left as major rebel areas. By that time Mir Mahmud Khan II Ahmadzai, the Khan of Kalat, already saw the writing on the wall so he petitioned via Panjab to become a Tributary and join the Tributary Pact. (Sorry, I don't know much about the guy, but I'm sure it's not out of character for him to do this)
The Chinese embassy received the application was forwarded to Beijing. Sensing that time was of the essence the Chinese Ambassador to Panjab acted at once. He declared an emergency and took control of Pact troops in the area; this consisted of the Panjabi Army and Chinese troops, who were inside Panjab as advisers and as workers to help in the industrialization of Panjab.
The application was received on 8 o'clock in the morning of 24th July 1915 by 10 o'clock in the evening the first Pact troops begun crossing the border from Panjab. At first it was mostly Chinese troops as they were the ones that were most prepared to move in short notice but soon the Pact contingent soon became largely Panjabi by numbers, most of whom were freshly trained by Chinese advisors.
By the time Raj troops crossed from Sindh to Kalat, Pact troops were already there and mingling with Kalat troops. Seeing the situation, the Governor-General of the British Raj (still holding the title as a hold over position until the crisis was solved) hesitated to confront Pact troops without firm backing from the rest of the Union, so he sent word to London, but by the time the issue was being debated in the Union Congress, the Pact foothold in Kalat had already expanded the number of boots on the ground. London declared that the independence of Kalat was already fiat accompli thus agreed to it rather than risk war with the Pact while their foothold in their new nation was still tenuous at best. The Khanate of Kalat became the newest tributary state.
Makram, however was a different story. With all other rebellious provinces put down, independent in the case of Kalat. The Raj and other Union reinforcements could concentrate on Makram and they decided to win quickly just in case the Pact changed their minds, and thought that they wanted a port in western India and start moving south from Kalat to Makram. The fighting only lasted a few weeks until the Raj reestablished control of the area.
With the whole country in their control Union begun the slow process of recovery for damage the Great War and the subsequent revolution had on Union's economy. This was funded via seizing of the Royal Family's and other nobility's assets, nationalization of several industries and soft loans from the United States of America.
In the following year, the Worker's Commissariat for Heavy Industry was established to industrialize and modernize the least industrialized Workers Republics and territories, especially those in Africa and India.
Relations between the defeated and now socialist powers of Britain, Russia and France but their relationship have been stannous at best. With every one of them blaming the other two for the defeat in the Great War. Russia also considers that the British and French forms of socialism as too radical, especially the British one.
The Russian President even commented that "Russia would never be governed by such extreme form of socialism. That is why the Reds lost in the civil war."
The Ottoman Empire
While the Ottoman Government celebrated the conclusion of the Great War, as a victory, calling it "a successful struggle for the Sultanate against the Imperialist and Colonial ambitions of the hostile foreigners in Paris, Petrograd and London", many wondered whether or not the victory in the Great War a Pyrrhic victory for the Ottomans at best, reflecting on the large costs in manpower, equipment and infrastructure, especially in the Middle East where rebellions are still occurring even after the war's conclusion.
Following the end of the Great War, the Ottoman government, found itself faced with many difficulties, ranging from economic shortages to political instability. A major concern also was the need to reform the Ottoman Army from scratch following its near annihilation during the Great War.
Even after the war's end, the First Arab Revolt or what the Arabs call as the first Intifada still continued well into the 1910's this meant that Ottoman Forces were still under a great deal of pressure in Mesopotamia and Syria. Further that rebuilding in those regions was still tenuous at best. Even after the British promised to stop sending weapons and advisers after the war's end, but one way or another, weapons were still finding their way to the hands of the Arab revolutionaries.
The Arabs were disheartened by the defeat of the Entente who promised them their freedom. "If only the Entente won then Arabia would have been free" Was a common phrase by the Arabs referring to the Franco-British promise of freedom in exchange for fighting against the Ottomans.
In 1916, faced by increasing factionalism and splintering in the Young Turks faction itself, Grand Vizier Talaat Pasha resigned in favor of a formation of a more stable government, most notably Said Halim Pasha was reinstated Grand Vizier.
The New Government was a clear indication of the end of the rule of the dictatorial triumvirate, while Talaat and Djemal Pashas continued to hold great influence, it was recognized that their power bases were not as strong as they once were and early signs of other factions emerging as major players in Ottoman politics began to surface.
One of the earliest issues the new government needed to deal with was the issue of restoring Ottoman government in the Middle East, the proposed policy of reintegration was in much debate, but finally the government agreed on a gradual reintegration plan along with the formalization of Arab rights in the Empire following meeting with the local leaders, this policy drew much criticism from the more hardline members of the Young Turks, who continued to point out the slow progress and increasing bureaucratic and corruption problems of the program. Regardless, by 1917, Ottoman Control has already been established in Iraq and much of Syria, however, there significant rebel tribal activity in the inner desert regions.
On 1917 Lord Walter Rothschild along with several key members of the Zionist movement met with Grand Vizier, Said Halim Pasha in Istanbul to discuss the establishment in Palestine of a national home for the Jewish people. Not wanting to antagonize his Arab subjects any further Pasha flatly denied the request. Lord Rothschild and his companions had to look for another place for the Jewish national home.
While Italy was a member of the Triple alliance system with Germany, Austria-Hungary. Italy, however, refused to participate, when Germany invoked this alliance in 1909, claiming the war was not a defensive war on Berlin's part, plus Berlin only became involved due to its assurance given to Bulgaria. An assurance that Italy was not a part of or even consulted with.
Italy remained neutral throughout the war, much to the frustration of the Germans and Austro-Hungarians who wanted access to its strategic locations. Italy was briefly courted by the Entente, but the possibility of German divisions pouring down the Italian peninsula kept it neutral.
Like the Netherlands, Italy turned into a valuable valve for Germany to circumvent the British Naval Blockade. Italian ports became transit points before going to Austria-Hungary. It was not the same volume of goods as the Netherlands but this was mainly due to the inherent difficulties of the Austro-Italian border, but it remained valuable none the less. It was not harassed by both sides to the same extent as the Netherlands as they were afraid of having the larger Italian resources and manpower be added to the other side.
The Italian economy benefited a lot from staying out of the war and experienced a peace time boom during the Great War. It grew from 21% of Great Britain's 1900 industrial capacity in 1909 to 26% in 1913. Not to mention saving Italy from the costs of being blockaded and invaded by the Franco-British powers.
The common people didn't see this though. What they saw was Austria and Germany becoming the Hegemons of Central Europe after the war. The people were angry at how Italy shocked the world with its inability to stick with its allies. The people were angry how their government gave up its greatest opportunity to settle most of its irredentist claims. It was all too obvious after the fact.
When Italy joined with the Germans to dissolve Austria-Hungary in 1914. It gained South Tyrol, Fiume, Dalmatia, and Istria with little effort. The people were convinced that it was a mistake not to join the Germans in the Great War and that the government betrayed the Italian people when it "collaborated with the British" to stay neutral when it could have gained so much by joining. War sounded too easy for a people who did not suffer four long years of continuous war.
Politicians who were pro-war and those who were preaching colonial expansion were being elected into office over the years while some of those already in office overcame their pro-peace stances to remain in power. Thus the government became more militaristic and more aggressive in their foreign policy as time passed.
Colonialist also pushed for further integration of Italian colonies. The Italian government invested a lot in large infrastructure projects in its colonies in Africa like ports in Turbok and Tripoli, roads to connect the Libyan and Somali interiors with the coast. Libya was acquired by Italy when it interceded on behalf of the Balkan powers in 1909. After more than a decade of Italian rule, little had changed from during Ottoman rule. Then things began to rapidly change in the Italian colonies.
The Italian government pushed what it called the 4th shore (first being the coast along the Adriatic Sea, second the coast along the Tyrrhenian Sea and third with the acquisition of Damatia after the dissolution of Austria-Hungary the Adriatic Sea's opposite Balkan shore became the third and the fourth being Libya on the Mediterranean Sea). It promised vast tracts of land to those who are ready and willing to relocate to Libya or Italian East Africa, not to mention the substantial amount of cash that would be colonists. Libya's best land was allocated to the settlers to be brought under productive cultivation, primarily in olive groves. Settlement was directed by a state corporation, the "Libyan Colonization Society", which undertook land reclamation and the building of model villages and offered credit facilities to the settlers it had sponsored. But what helped Italian immigration to Libya the most was the passage of the Emergency Quota Act of 1916 in the United States. It heavily curtailed Italian immigration. The quota allocated for Italians was 1/13 of that allocated for Germans and, in general, Anglo-Saxon and Northern European immigration was heavily favored.
The Italians made modern medical care available for the first time in Libya, improved sanitary conditions in the towns, and connected these by paved roads. Although the Libyans were being referred to as "Muslim Italians" by the colonists, little more was accomplished that directly improved the living standards of the Arab population. In fact only those who were directly serving the Italian Colonists usually as laborers and other low skilled jobs felt change in their life.
Plans envisioned an Italian colony of 100,000 settlers by 1920, according to historian so, the Italians would be 1/10 of the population in Libya (1/7 of coastal Libya) by then. Immigration, however did not meet expectations. By 1918 it had only reached 30,000 and an estimate of 20,000 more to arrive in 1919 and 1920.
The largest Italian Naval Base outside of Italy was also planned in the Horn of Africa in Massawa (in Eritrea). With its strategic location meant that Italy could control those who enter and exit the red sea and by extension the Suez Canal. The future Naval Base could also serve as a supply hub against Abyssinia, in case Italy wanted a payback of their defeat in the First Italo-Ethiopian War of 1894-1896.
Addendum: Constituent Republics of the Union of British Worker's Republics
1. English Worker's Republic
2. Scottish W.R.
3. Welsh W.R.
4. Irish W.R.
5. Canadian W.R.
6. Australasian W.R. (Composed of all British territories in the Pacific)
7. Egyptian W.R. (Composed of Egypt and Sudan)
8. West African W.R. (Composed of Sierra Leone and Ghana)
9. Nigerian W.R.
10. East African W.R. (Composed of Kenya, Uganda and British Somalia)
11. Somali W.R. (Composed of British Somalia)
12. South African W.R.
13. Guyana W.R.
14. Cypriot W.R.
15. Maltese W.R.
16. West Indies W.R. (Composed of all the British territories in the Caribbean and Benin)
17. Sinhalese W.R. (Sri Lanka)
18. Indian W.R.
19. Marathi W.R. (In India)
20. Mysore W.R. (In India)
21. Bengali W.R. (In India)
Other Territories (like the Falkand Islands and Gibraltar) were considered as Union territory directly controlled by the Union Congress.
London was not part of the English W.R. but considered as Union Capital Territory.
Anyway, next chapter would be an earth chapter featuring China and the pact and perhaps the USA if length permits
also, im having trouble tracking comments on which one I have already replied to if you comment on a chapter that is not the last. Hahaha : )
"Did Heru'ur manage to escape or was he eliminated in the big battle? Even a lopsided victory can have the enemy leader escape, the Goa'uld are particularly good at it."
-that part is purposely a cliff hanger, hahaha
"Quick question. Heru'ur was one of the older Goas as far as I remember my Stargate lore. Shouldn't he understand Tau'ri then? I mean this should tell him something, shouldn't it?"
-he does but when they first raided him no one knew that it was the tau'ri and It was only years later that their identity were established
"I know it's considered Taboo, but what about Chinese poaching of the wonderful minds that science produced at this time"
-its just really an author's choice I see no other reason, but id rather keep it to the chinese and to the pact as an extension after the expansion of the stragate program.
"I was surprised that we skipped over most of the universe building infrastructure building and shipbuilding. It seemed that almost as soon as we finished World War 1 we suddenly had a small space going flotilla of Starships. while I was happy about this and I was happy to get the story moving forward quickly I would have liked to see the world-building and the shipyards and all the associated things that go along with that."
-I only mentioned ships that were being built and the building be mentioned by the characters. But id probably show the shipyards in a few chapters after.
"I was surprised that we didn't use repeating machine guns or rail guns as a point defense system."
Ahhh, sorry about that its my limitations as a writer, I didn't want to clutter stuff with a lot of different weapons systems in one ship cause id probably loose track on how individual weapons were interacting within the battle.
"I can see a ton of "comes across as not having bothered to do any research" flaws."
-Hahahaha, Yes! I didn't research at all! I didn't bother looking at even what the places of the battles took place back 100 years ago. I didn't even bother looking at the correct industrial capacities, population sizes and economic sizes. Hell most of the characters aren't even historical characters I just made up all of them.
Fun fact the first battle in the story the battle of Nikolskoye, originally I wanted to set it in the Russian far east city of Ussuriysk when I was looking at the terrain (like roads, houses, tree cover) back in 1884 I found out that at that time there was no city yet but just the settlement of Nikolskoye. So thus the battle. Good thing I already knew the Russian doctrine, tactics and armament at that time, otherwise it would have involved more research on my part.
Anyway its easier for me to write now since unlike before stuff like ships should be actual ships in history, infrastructure should be around the same as history during that time and the like. Now after the Great War, I could just say butterflies! hahaha